TRUMP’S ABORTION REALITY — For decades, DONALD TRUMP’s stance on abortion has been a moving target.
Since Roe was overturned in 2022 — a decision made possible only after Trump appointed three justices to the Supreme Court — he has oscillated between taking credit for the new state of abortion rights, public concern that the party’s stance was a political loser, and private support for a nationwide 16-week ban. Mostly, he has worked hard to not give a direct answer on where he stood. Yesterday, in a four-minute video, Trump took a stance … sort of. He said he wasn’t in favor of a national abortion ban; endorsed a state-by-state approach to abortion law; called for exceptions for rape, incest and the life of the mother; and praised himself for appointing the conservative SCOTUS majority that overturned Roe. On the right, disappointment and anger reigned. Former VP MIKE PENCE said Trump’s statement was a “retreat on the right to life” and a “slap in the face.” Sen. LINDSEY GRAHAM (R-S.C.) reiterated his preference for a 15-week ban. “We should draw a line. I believe what I believe,” Graham told our colleagues on the Hill, even as Trump lobbed attacks in his direction. MAJORIE DANNENFELSER, president of Susan B. Anthony Pro Life America, told the NYT that Trump’s statement was “a huge disappointment” and “a total eclipse of reason.” “The pro-life movement is the dog that caught the car, is chewing on the bumper and can’t figure out why they’re still hungry,” SARAH ISGUR, a former DOJ official during the Trump years, told us. “Trump’s latest statement is peak Trump in that it actually said nothing, left more questions as to his position than it answered, angered everyone — and yet almost certainly will make no difference at all.” The bottom line, she said: “Trump's pro-life supporters aren’t going to vote for Biden, and Biden’s pro-choice supporters aren’t suddenly going to consider Trump,” Isgur said. That rings true to us. Our colleagues Natalie Allison and Megan Messerly noted that on Monday morning, “Susan B. Anthony Pro-Life America, Students for Life, the Faith and Freedom Coalition, the Family Research Council, National Right to Life and CatholicVote, reiterated their commitment … to electing Trump.” Last night, we spoke to PENNY NANCE, the CEO and president of Concerned Women for America, who told us that she doesn’t agree with Dannenfelser’s “hot take.” “We want to protect as many babies as possible, and supporting President Trump does that,” Nance said. “I live in the real world. I don't have this magic wand that will give me 60 votes in the Senate. And as much as I would hope that that would happen in the next election, that's a pretty high hill to climb.” “At the end of the day, if you're pro-life, you cannot vote for Joe Biden,” she added. “To the extent that moderate voters were concerned on this issue, I think it takes it off the table.” Candidly, we don’t agree that it neutralizes the issue with moderates — not by a long shot. There are a few big reasons why: 1. A whole lot of moderates and independents really care about this particular issue. Trump himself “recognizes the political liability of the abortion issue,” ALICE STEWART, a veteran GOP operative, told Playbook — which is why he made the statement in the first place. “You can be pro-life, you can be anti-abortion, but you also have to recognize the political reality of this issue when you're talking about appealing to independent voters and an electorate that is more broad than the Republican primary base.” As our colleagues Meridith McGraw, Alex Isenstadt and Adam Wren write, “For years, at a gut level, the former president has feared the backlash he might face for taking a hard-line position on abortion. And despite his attempt to fog up the issue with his new, state-based stance, Trump is still likely to pay a price with voters for appointing the Supreme Court justices who overturned Roe v. Wade.” 2. As the self-professed man who made it possible to overturn Roe, Trump owns the new patchwork status quo on abortion. He wants the credit for the court’s Dobbs majority — which kicked the issue to the states. He’s the leader of the Republican Party as GOP officials in those states enact restrictions and bans. Those laws are a reflection of the approach he’s endorsed; one possible only because of the court majority he installed. After Trump’s video statement was released, aides to President JOE BIDEN were quick to invoke Trump’s 2016 interview (“Trump once said women must be punished for seeking reproductive health care — and he’s gotten his wish”) as a means of undercutting Trump’s attempt to stake out a middle ground. And the Biden camp released a 60-second ad focusing on a woman who was denied an abortion after Roe fell, ending it with one simple message: “Donald Trump did this.” Expect a whole lot more of that. At a time when the mood about the economy is pretty sour, the president’s approval rating is deep underwater and the right track/wrong track numbers suggest a deep discontent, this is maybe the sharpest and most effective line of attack in the Biden quiver. 3. Trump’s own credibility issues make it hard for his attempt at moderation to stick. For years, we’ve watched Trump stick to the script for a moment, get lauded for his moderation and/or restraint … and then very quickly say something that undercuts the whole feint. “Many people realize what Donald Trump says one day may be something different the next day,” said Stewart. “And, you know, I think a lot of people realize, well, he says that today. Will he have the same position if he's elected president?” “The question is not: ‘Is this a sustainable position?’ The question about Donald Trump is: [Is] he going to sustain this position?” said DANIELLE PLETKA, senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute. Good Tuesday morning. Thanks for reading Playbook. Was your eclipse viewing experience as transcendent as ours? Drop us a line: Rachael Bade, Eugene Daniels, Ryan Lizza.
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